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Merits/Demerits of Anna Hazare Ji’s Janlokpal Bill.. an alternate view.

I have been blindly following Anna Hazare’s Janlokpal for since its inception. THEN I came across this article. Please go through this article. You might have a change of opinion!!

It has to be noted that Jan Lokpal bill is a anti corruption law ,carefully chosen people will administer a giant bureaucracy, with thousands of employees, with the power to police everybody from the Prime Minister, the judiciary, members of Parliament, and all of the bureaucracy, down to the lowest government official. The Lokpal will have the powers of investigation, surveillance, and prosecution. Except for the fact that it won’t have its own prisons, it will function as an independent administration, meant to counter the bloated, unaccountable, corrupt one that we already have. Two oligarchies, instead of just one.

Whether it works or not depends on how we view corruption. Is corruption just a matter of legality, of financial irregularity and bribery, or is it the currency of a social transaction in an egregiously unequal society, in which power continues to be concentrated in the hands of a smaller and smaller minority? Imagine, for example, a city of shopping malls, on whose streets hawking has been banned. A hawker pays the local beat cop and the man from the municipality a small bribe to break the law and sell her wares to those who cannot afford the prices in the malls. Is that such a terrible thing? In future will she have to pay the Lokpal representative too? Does the solution to the problems faced by ordinary people lie in addressing the structural inequality, or in creating yet another power structure that people will have to defer to?

‘The Fast’ of course doesn’t mean Irom Sharmila’s fast that has lasted for more than ten years (she’s being force fed now) against the AFSPA, which allows soldiers in Manipur to kill merely on suspicion. It does not mean the relay hunger fast that is going on right now by ten thousand villagers in Koodankulam protesting against the nuclear power plant. ‘The People’ does not mean the Manipuris who support Irom Sharmila’s fast. Nor does it mean the thousands who are facing down armed policemen and mining mafias in Jagatsinghpur, or Kalinganagar, or Niyamgiri, or Bastar, or Jaitapur. Nor do we mean the victims of the Bhopal gas leak, or the people displaced by dams in the Narmada Valley. Nor do we mean the farmers in NOIDA, or Pune or Haryana or elsewhere in the country, resisting the takeover of the land.

‘The People’ only means the audience that has gathered to watch the spectacle of a 74-year-old man threatening to starve himself to death if his Jan Lokpal Bill is not tabled and passed by Parliament. ‘The People’ are the tens of thousands who have been miraculously multiplied into millions by our TV channels, like Christ multiplied the fishes and loaves to feed the hungry. “A billion voices have spoken,” we’re told. “India is Anna.”

Oddly enough we’ve heard him say nothing about things of urgent concern. Nothing about the farmer’s suicides in his neighbourhood, or about Operation Green Hunt further away. Nothing about Singur, Nandigram, Lalgarh, nothing about Posco, about farmer’s agitations or the blight of SEZs. He doesn’t seem to have a view about the Government’s plans to deploy the Indian Army in the forests of Central India.

Despite the din, sober journalists have gone about doing what journalists do. We now have the back-story about Anna’s old relationship with the RSS. We have heard from Mukul Sharma who has studied Anna’s village community in Ralegan Siddhi, where there have been no Gram Panchayat or Co-operative society elections in the last 25 years. We know about Anna’s attitude to ‘harijans’: “It was Mahatma Gandhi’s vision that every village should have one chamar, one sunar, one kumhar and so on. They should all do their work according to their role and occupation, and in this way, a village will be self-dependant. This is what we are practicing in Ralegan Siddhi.” Is it surprising that members of Team Anna have also been associated with Youth for Equality, the anti-reservation (pro-“merit”) movement? The campaign is being handled by people who run a clutch of generously funded NGOs whose donors include Coca-Cola and the Lehman Brothers. Kabir, run by Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia, key figures in Team Anna, has received $400,000 from the Ford Foundation in the last three years. Among contributors to the India Against Corruption campaign there are Indian companies and foundations that own aluminum plants, build ports and SEZs, and run Real Estate businesses and are closely connected to politicians who run financial empires that run into thousands of crores of rupees. Some of them are currently being investigated for corruption and other crimes. Why are they all so enthusiastic?

At a time when the State is withdrawing from its traditional duties and Corporations and NGOs are taking over government functions (water supply, electricity, transport, telecommunication, mining, health, education); at a time when the terrifying power and reach of the corporate owned media is trying to control the public imagination, one would think that these institutions — the corporations, the media, and NGOs — would be included in the jurisdiction of a Lokpal bill. Instead, the proposed bill leaves them out completely.

Will the 830 million people living on Rs.20 a day really benefit from the strengthening of a set of policies that is impoverishing them and driving this country to civil war?

This awful crisis has been forged out of the utter failure of India’s representative democracy, in which the legislatures are made up of criminals and millionaire politicians who have ceased to represent its people. In which not a single democratic institution is accessible to ordinary people. Do not be fooled by the flag waving. We’re watching India being carved up in war for suzerainty that is as deadly as any battle being waged by the warlords of Afghanistan, only with much, much more at stake.

 
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Posted by on August 22, 2011 in News, Politics

 

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SIDCUL in Escorts Farm, Kashipur

SIDCUL plans to develop another industrial estate in Kashipur

Shishir Prashant / New Delhi/ Dehra Dun April 10, 2008
Source: http://www.business-standard.com/common/news_article.php?leftnm=3&autono=319573
This will be the third biggest in Uttarakhand.
The State Industrial Development Corporation of Uttarakhand Ltd (SIDCUL) is now planning to set up an industrial estate at Escort Farms in the Kashipur area of the Kumaon region.
After Haridwar and Pantnagar, this will be the biggest industrial estate to be developed by SIDCUL, the state government’s nodal agency for industrialisation.
Government estimates suggest that the new industrial estate can attract investment of over Rs 5,000 crore.
A preliminary detailed project report (DPR) had been prepared, official sources said. The new industrial estate will be spread over 530 acres, 65 per cent of which will be for sale.
There will be nearly 145 industrial plots in the proposed industrial estate. At least 79 plots will be of one acre each, 29 of 4 acres each and the others being in different sizes. The area of the plots will range from 0.63 acres to 12.35 acres.
“This time we are not hiring consultants, because of our bitter experience in the past,” said a top government official.
Since the tax holiday scheme for Uttarakhand is expiring on March 31, 2010, the government is in a hurry to decide the allotment of the plots. Though Chief Minister BC Khanduri wants the tax breaks to continue for another period of three years, sources said Escort Farms might be the last industrial estate before the tax incentives came to an end.
The Sitarganj Industrial Estate, being developed by Eldico Company, has run into controversy following reports that the allotment of plots was allegedly carried out before the main agreements were signed. Officials said the government was now maintaining an arm’s length from consultants and developers.
Following this controversy and the setting up of two commissions of inquiry, the government was shying away from further industrialisation in the plains.
In the case of Escort Farms, SIDCUL has now two options for the development of infrastructure facilities. “We may undertake the infrastructure work ourselves or give the contracts to government agencies like PWD and Jal Sansthan,” said the official.
Escort Farms was at the centre of a controversy in 2006, after the Uttarakhand government decided to take back the land from the settlers there. This led to a big agitation, with Akali Dal pitching in. But later, the government managed to free the land holdings of 600 acres. Now this particular land will be used to develop the new industrial estate.

 
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Posted by on June 4, 2008 in Kashipur

 

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